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Anecdotal evidence isn’t that helpful. The data shows that poor whites, including in rural areas, have higher rates of welfare than blacks. They may not like to talk about their being on welfare because they feel ashamed about it or they might not even think of it as welfare, as in their mind it is only welfare when those other undeserving people get government help. Anyway, someone can hunt and garden while being on welfare. In most cases, welfare only offers very basic financial assistance. In fact, most people on welfare are employed but don’t make enough money to pay for basic necessities. I’d note, by the way, that there is a growing movement in poor communities in cities to have community gardens—but is challenging because open land is a rare commodity in an urban area and because so much of the soil in cities is heavily polluted and dangerous to eat any food grown there, which requires expensive soil testing before starting a garden. This is the type of thing that people usually only understand when they’ve been poor in a city.

In July, work was finished to the Parish Church of St James to help its conversion into the Cathedral Church of the Diocese of St Edmundsbury and Ipswich. The Bishop still lived in Ipswich, but his cathedral was in Bury. The Diocese had been set up on this basis in 1914.

Open borders don’t necessarily help the rich more than they help anyone else. It depends on what one means by open borders, as few people are advocating an unregulated immigrant free-for-all. By the way, the data shows that immigrants don’t just take jobs for they also have high rates of starting businesses. Immigrants often are more motivated to take risks because they have incentives to want to believe in the American Dream.

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Cuts to Early Voting After the recount debacle in Florida in 2000, allowing voters to cast their ballots early emerged as a popular bipartisan reform. Early voting not only meant shorter lines on Election Day, it has helped boost turnout in a number of states – the true measure of a successful democracy. "I think it's great," Jeb Bush said in 2004. "It's another reform we added that has helped provide access to the polls and provide a convenience. And we're going to have a high voter turnout here, and I think that's wonderful."

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Spencer had moved toward the revolutionary wing of the new movement by 2010 when he created the website Alternative Right, which helped shape and popularize the loosely-knit alt-right movement. In the early 2010s, Spencer’s site and a handful of other influential outlets defined the aesthetic and political motifs of the current alt-right. A mix of shock-and-meme culture, metapolitics, right-wing social values, and anti-bourgeois posturing, it appealed to an audience of young reactionaries. It gave them something to do with their vast amounts of time online and sharpened their “fuck the normies” rage to a radical edge. Ethnic identitarianism anchored that rage and defined their enemies. Appealing to the nerdier inclinations of these adherents, the racial mythos was complemented by the biological determinist part of the program with its strong data bias. If, in a sense, white-nationalist identity politics was just another form of the left-wing identity politics that they claimed to despise, so be it; let the minorities and liberals have a taste of their own medicine.

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President Johnson, a greater ally to Black civil rights leaders than Kennedy had been, took over the program after Kennedy’s assassination and expanded its scope. These programs ultimately helped poor Blacks and poor whites, in both urban and rural areas.

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Like their ancestors who fought in and survived the Civil War, today’s soldiers return to find their situations either the same, or much worse, than when they left. Who would blame them for being angry? As soldiers go off to war we say, “God bless our troops.” Maybe we should add, “God help them when they come home.”

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Those two experiences helped me see more clearly than ever how fool-headed it is to stereotype people based on how they look and where they live. The “redneck hillbillies” in that Arkansas bar could have laughed with the three Klan members, or said nothing at all. Instead, they stood up for me — an outsider — and made it known that the Klan wasn’t welcome there. On the other hand, I assumed a group of liberal, college-educated volunteers would ooze warmth and solidarity. But in class that night, I didn’t feel especially welcome. And I felt ashamed for judging that woman’s life based entirely on her appearance.

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In 1963, President John Kennedy had begun planning a “war on poverty” intended to help poor, southern whites — particularly in Appalachia and the rural South. Kennedy had visited Appalachia during the 1960 presidential campaign, and was shocked by what he saw — ”the hungry children, … the old people who cannot pay their doctors bills, the families forced to give up their farms.” Many of these families were descendants of white indentured servants who had fled to the Appalachian Mountains. The poverty Kennedy saw was, in part, a legacy of the era of slavery.

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"A short time ago they had a look at me on parade and got theright idea; at least they sent us to the local lunatic asylum. AndI have been there forty-two weeks. There is a good deal to be saidfor internment. It keeps you out of the saloon and helps you tokeep up with your reading. The chief trouble is that it means youare away from home for a long time. When I join my wife I hadbetter take along a letter of introduction to be on the safeside."